Security Council
Resolution 1441 on Iraq's Final Opportunity to Comply with
Disarmament Obligations
By Frederic L. Kirgis
November 2002
The United Nations Security
Council, in Resolution 1441 (November 8, 2002), unanimously
deplored Iraq's lack of compliance with Resolution 687
(1991) on inspection, disarmament and renunciation of
terrorism in Iraq, and went on to make several decisions
under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter. Resolution 687,
like Resolution 1441, was adopted under Chapter VII.
Chapter VII gives the Council the authority to determine
the existence of a threat to the peace, breach of the
peace or act of aggression, and to take action accordingly.
In paragraph 1 of Resolution
1441, the Council decided that "Iraq has been and remains
in material breach of its obligations" under relevant
resolutions, including Resolution 687, in particular
through Iraq's failure to cooperate with authorized
inspectors and its failure to disarm in several respects,
including destroying all chemical and biological weapons
and placing all of its nuclear-weapons-usable materials
under the control of the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA). The Council decided to afford Iraq "a
final opportunity to comply with its disarmament obligations
under relevant resolutions." Resolution 1441 then sets
up an enhanced inspection regime and orders Iraq to
submit "a currently accurate, full, and complete declaration
of all aspects of its programmes to develop chemical,
biological, and nuclear weapons, ballistic missiles,
and other delivery systems . . . ." Inspections are
to be conducted by the U.N. Monitoring, Verification
and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) and the IAEA. Iraq
is directed to provide UNMOVIC and IAEA unimpeded access
to any and all areas, facilities, buildings, equipment,
records and means of transport that they wish to inspect,
as well as unimpeded and private access to all officials
and other persons they wish to interview. The resolution
affirms that it is binding on Iraq and demands that
Iraq confirm within seven days its intention to comply
fully with it. Iraq has reluctantly done so.
In paragraph 4 of Resolution
1441, the Council "Decides that false statements
or omissions in the declarations submitted by Iraq pursuant
to this resolution and failure by Iraq at any time to
comply with, and cooperate fully in the implementation
of, this resolution shall constitute a further material
breach of Iraq's obligations and will be reported to
the Council for assessment in accordance with paragraphs
11 and 12 below." Paragraph 11 directs the heads of
UNMOVIC and IAEA to report immediately to the Council
any Iraqi interference with inspection activities, as
well as any Iraqi failure to comply with its disarmament
obligations. Paragraph 12 decides that the Security
Council will "convene immediately upon receipt of a
report in accordance with paragraphs 4 or 11 above,
in order to consider the situation and the need for
full compliance with all of the relevant Council resolutions
in order to secure international peace and security."
Finally, paragraph 13 says that "the Council has repeatedly
warned Iraq that it will face serious consequences as
a result of its continued violations of its obligations." [1] The phrase "serious consequences" has been
widely understood to include the use of armed force.
The U.N. Charter obligates
all member states to comply with Security Council resolutions
adopted under Chapter VII. Consequently, such resolutions
are similar to (but not exactly the same as) multilateral
treaties in that they are binding instruments under
international law. The language of "material breach"
in Resolution 1441 is keyed to Article 60 of the Vienna
Convention on the Law of Treaties, which is the authoritative
statement of international law regarding material breaches
of treaties. Under Article 60 of the Vienna Convention,
a material breach is an unjustified repudiation of a
treaty or the violation of a provision essential to
the accomplishment of the object or purpose of a treaty.
Article 60 provides that a party specially affected
by a material breach of a multilateral treaty may invoke
it as a ground for suspending the operation of the treaty
in whole or in part in the relations between itself
and the defaulting state. Article 60 also provides
that any non-breaching party may suspend the operation
of a multilateral treaty if the treaty is of such a
character that a material breach by one party "radically
changes the position of every party with respect to
the further performance of its obligations under the
treaty."
When the Security Council
asserted in paragraph 1 of Resolution 1441 that Iraq
is in material breach of its obligations under relevant
resolutions, including Resolution 687, it appears to
have treated those resolutions as being sufficiently
like multilateral treaties to be subject to Article
60 of the Vienna Convention. Alternatively, since the
U.N. Charter says that Security Council decisions embodied
in Chapter VII resolutions are binding on all members,
a material breach of such a resolution by a U.N. member
state (such as Iraq) would be a material breach of the
Charter itself. Since the Charter is a multilateral
treaty, Article 60 of the Vienna Convention would apply
directly to any material breach of it.
Security Council Resolution
687, adopted at the end of the Gulf War, includes a
provision declaring a formal cease-fire between Iraq,
Kuwait and the member states (such as the United States)
cooperating with Kuwait in accordance with Resolution
678 (1990). Resolution 678 authorized member states
to use all necessary means to restore international
peace and security in the area, and thus provided the
basis under international law for the allies' military
action in the Gulf War. The determination in Resolution
1441 that Iraq is already in material breach of its
obligations under Resolution 687 provides a basis for
the decision in paragraph 4 (above) of Resolution 1441
that any further lack of cooperation by Iraq will be
a further material breach. If Iraq, having confirmed
its intention to comply with Resolution 1441, then fails
to cooperate fully with the inspectors, it would open
the way to an argument by any specially affected state
that it could suspend the operation of the cease-fire
provision in Resolution 687 and rely again on Resolution
678. It might also invite an argument that any party
to the U.N. Charter could suspend the operation of the
cease-fire provision because the material breach would
pose a threat to international peace and security and
would therefore radically change the position of all
U.N. member states under Resolution 687. The argument
would point out that the breach would relate to weapons
or materials capable of mass destruction that, if put
to use, could have an impact not just on regional security,
but on worldwide security.
The United States could argue
that it is a specially affected state because it is
the most prominent target of terrorism, and Iraq's noncooperation
presumably would stem from its intent to develop or
retain terrorist capabilities that would likely be directed
at U.S. interests. Some other states could be expected
to argue, though, that Resolutions 678 and 687 were
aimed primarily at neutralizing any viable threat of
Iraqi military action directed against other Middle
Eastern states, so a violation of Resolution 687 and
related resolutions would not "specially affect" the
United States. But if the violation poses a broad threat
to international peace and security, the United States
(and any other like-minded state) might assert that
every U.N. member state's position under Resolution
687 has been radically changed, as outlined above.
The counter-argument would be that even if the breach
constitutes a threat to the peace, it would not radically
change the position of "every party" to the U.N. Charter
with respect to its obligations under the resolution.
In any event, the terms of
Resolution 1441, paragraph 4 (above), make it clear
that a failure of Iraq to cooperate, if reported to
the Security Council, would not justify either the United
States' or any other state's unilateral suspension of
the cease-fire provision without giving the Security
Council an opportunity to consider the situation and
to act under paragraph 12. Resolution 1441, however,
does not specify what is to happen if the Security Council
convenes under paragraph 12, but does not take action
or only takes action that some states, in particular
a specially affected state, do not consider adequate
under the circumstances. Nor does Resolution 1441 specify
what is to happen if a specially affected state at some
point concludes that Iraq is not cooperating fully,
but the inspectors disagree and thus do not at that
point contemplate making a report to the Council under
paragraph 4. In such circumstances, the United States
and its allies could argue that a material breach has
occurred and nothing stands in the way of their suspension
of the cease-fire that was based on Resolution 687.
They would further argue that, since Resolution 678
(the resolution that authorized member states to take
action against Iraq in the first place) has never been
rescinded, it provides continuing authority to use "all
necessary means to restore international peace and security
in the area."
Other states could argue that
since the Security Council has decided in Resolution
1441 that certain conduct by Iraq amounts to a material
breach, but the Council did not at the same time suspend
its own cease-fire and instead decided to give Iraq
another chance to comply with its obligations under
Resolution 687, only the Council can decide later that
Iraq has not cooperated fully in the implementation
of Resolution 1441 and that the cease-fire consequently
is no longer in force. For example, the representative
of Mexico (a current member of the Security Council)
said after the vote on Resolution 1441 that the use
of force is only valid as a last resort and with prior,
explicit authorization from the Council. Mexico does
not stand alone in taking that position. It is based
on the Charter-based principle that disputes should
be settled peacefully, and that only the Security Council
can determine when there is a need for coercion. It
would be argued that, in light of the emphasis in the
Charter on peaceful dispute settlement, Resolution 678
could not be used as an authorization for the use of
force after twelve years of cease fire, unless the Security
Council says so.
There is some support for
the position of Mexico and like-minded states, stemming
from the negotiating history of Resolution 1441. The
U.S. draft resolution, in paragraph 12 on the reconvening
of the Security Council upon receipt of a report of
Iraqi noncompliance, said that the purpose would be
"to restore international peace and security." As noted
above, paragraph 12 as adopted by the Council says that
the purpose is "to secure international peace and security."
The substitution of "secure" for "restore" departs not
only from the language proposed by the United States,
but also from the language quoted above from Resolution
678. It could imply that the situation now is not the
same as it was in 1990, when Resolution 678 was adopted.
The position of Mexico and
like-minded states does not regard paragraph 13 of Resolution
1441 (repeating the Council's warnings to Iraq that
it will face "serious consequences" as a result of its
continued violations of its obligations) as an explicit
authorization of the use of force. The United States
might reply that paragraph 13 does authorize the use
of force if the Security Council fails to achieve its
goals in Iraq, because of the widespread understanding
of what is meant by "serious consequences." Paragraph
13, however, is in the form of a reminder rather than
an authorization for action.
Finally, the United States
government has argued, wholly apart from Resolution
1441, that it has a right of pre-emptive self defense
to protect itself from terrorism fomented by Iraq.
For discussion of pre-emptive self-defense in the terrorism
context, see the ASIL Insight, "Pre-emptive Action to
Forestall Terrorism" (June 2002). [2]
About the Author:
Frederic L. Kirgis is Law School Association Alumni
Professor at Washington and Lee University School of
Law. He has written a book and several articles on
United Nations law, and is a member of the Board of
Editors of the American Journal of International Law.
[2] Available on the ASIL web site, <http://www.asil.org/insights/insigh88.htm>.
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