Agriculture has traditionally been a primary
source of economic tension between the United
States and the European Union. The dispute
over the EU's banana regime has been among
the most contentious in recent years. It
is also among the more legally and politically
complex.
The dispute involves the EU's regulatory
regime for imported bananas, enacted in
1993.(1) Prior to 1992 each of the 12 EU
member states had its own banana import
regime. Germany operated on a free market
system and had no import restrictions. The
other 11 members imposed a 20% tariff, and
6 members (France, Italy, Portugal, Spain,
Greece, and the UK) also applied quotas
on bananas produced in Central and South
America. These latter restrictions were
designed to protect the EU market for bananas
produced in former EU territories and in
the ACP countries (developing countries
in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific)
that entered duty free under the Lomé
Convention.(2) As part of its 1992 integration
program the EU established, effective July
1, 1993, an EU-wide banana trade regime.(3)
Under this complex system banana imports
were subject to one of two two-tier tariff
rate quota systems based on their country
of origin. ACP bananas received duty-free
entry up to a ceiling of 857,7000 metric
tons, allocated to each of the banana-producing
countries on the basis of their historic
exports to the EU. ACP imports in excess
of this amount paid 750 ECUs per metric
ton. Non-ACP bananas were subject to a duty
of ECU 100 per metric ton on imports up
to 2 million metric tons, and ECU 850 on
imports above that amount. Thirty-three
and a half percent of the 2 million tons
of non-ACP bananas subject to the lower
duty of ECU 100 was reserved for European
marketing firms, most of which historically
had marketed only ACP bananas.
Although the US immediately protested the
new banana regime, the first legal challenge
was brought not by the US, but by five Latin-American
banana-producing countries (Colombia, Costa
Rica, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Venezuela).
They initiated GATT dispute settlement proceedings
in June 1993. The GATT panel ruled in January
1994 that the EU regime was GATT-illegal.
However, as was common under the GATT system
that allowed parties to a dispute to block
rulings against them, the panel report was
not adopted. Rather, the EU negotiated a
so-called "Framework Agreement" with all
of the complaints except Guatemala that
increased and guaranteed the value of their
export quotas, in return for their agreement
to withdraw the GATT complaint and refrain
from further GATT challenges until December
31, 2002. This agreement raised the non-ACP
quota to 2.1 million tons in 1994 and to
2.2 million tons in 1995; lowered the in-quota
tariff on Latin American bananas by 25%
to ECU 75 per metric ton; and allocated
specific export quotas to each of the 4
Latin American signatories.
The combined adverse economic impact of
the banana regime and the Framework Agreement
on US producers with operations in Latin
America led them to take action. In September
1994 Chiquita Brands International and the
Hawaii Banana Industry Association filed
a petition under section 302(a) of the 1974
Trade Act challenging both the EU regime
and the Framework Agreement on the grounds
that they were discriminatory and reduced
US companies' share of the EU market by
more than 50%.
The petition was the first section 301
petition filed under the Clinton Administration
and as such was regarded as a test of the
new Administration's commitment to use US
trade laws aggressively to protect US interests.
Noting this, fifty members of the House,
including members of the leadership, wrote
to the US Trade Representative (USTR) urging
acceptance of the petition.
Common Cause released a study at the time
identifying the chairman and CEO of Chiquita
International Brands, Inc., and affiliated
companies and executives as among the largest
contributors to the Democratic and Republican
parties in the 1993-94 election cycle. This
revelation raised questions as to the true
motives of the Administration in pursuing
Chiquita's case, particularly in light of
the fact, much noted by critics, that the
Chiquita facilities allegedly injured by
the EU banana policy are located outside
the US and have a largely non-US workforce.
Despite the mounting criticism, on October
7, 1994, the USTR initiated an investigation
under Section 302 of the Trade Act against
the EU.(4) On January 9, 1995, the USTR
issued a preliminary determination that
the EU banana regime did adversely affect
US economic interests with an impact of
several hundreds of millions of dollars.
Both the EU and Caribbean producers immediately
criticized the USTR decision. The regime
was defended by the EU as a valuable foreign
aid policy tool, and by the Caribbean nations
as the mainstay to their economies, the
elimination of which would lead to political
and economic instability.
Unable to reach a negotiated settlement
with the EU, the USTR in September 1995
altered its strategy. It terminated the
Section 301 case against the EU, and, joined
by Guatemala, Honduras, and Mexico, initiated
a dispute settlement proceeding in the WTO.
Ecuador joined the case in February 1996.
The petitioners alleged that the EU regime
violated the GATT 1994 Articles I, II, II,
X, XI, and XIII as well as the Agreement
on Import Licensing Procedures, the Agreement
on Agriculture, the General Agreement on
Trade in Services (GATS), and the Agreement
on Trade-Related Investment Measures. Consultations
were held, but because the EU member states
refused to grant the EU Commission a mandate
to negotiate substantive changes in the
regime, no resolution was reached. Consequently,
on April 24, 1996, the US, Ecuador, Guatemala,
Honduras and Mexico jointly requested that
a WTO dispute-settlement panel be convened.
It was established on May 8, 1996. The EU
case as presented to the panel relied heavily
on its assertion that the banana regime
was a legitimate part of the Lomé
Convention for which the EU had a WTO waiver.
The US side's response was that the banana
regime was not covered by the Lomé
Convention.
The WTO panel report, issued on May 22,
1997, found that the EU banana import regime
was discriminatory and as such was inconsistent
with the GATT 1994, the WTO agreement on
Import Licensing and the GATS. One month
later the EU notified its intention to appeal
certain issues of law in the panel report.
The Appellate Body not only upheld the panel
findings, but found additional violations
of GATT.(5) Specifically, it reversed the
panel's finding that the Lomé waiver
covered discriminatory quotas and found
that certain aspects of the EU licensing
regime violated GATT Article X (publication
and administration of trade regulations)
as well as the WTO agreement on Import Licensing
Procedures. The Appellate Body report and
the panel report as modified by the Appellate
Body were adopted on September 25, 1997.
The WTO granted the EU 15 months, until
January 1, 1999, to comply.
In mid January 1998 the European Commission
announced a modified banana regime that
it claimed was WTO-compatible. The main
elements of the new regime were: 1. Maintenance
of the current Latin American banana tariff-rate
quota (2.2 million metric tons at duty of
ECU75/ton; above quota duty at 765/ton);
2. Establishment of a new, autonomous Latin
American tariff-rate quota of 353,000 tons
at duty rate of ECU 75/ton to account for
EU enlargement (Austria, Finland, Sweden
joined the EU in 1995); 3. Allocation of
a percentage of the tariff rate quota to
exporting countries with a "substantial
interest' in the market for bananas. 4.
Maintenance of a maximum quantity allowance
of 857,700 metric tons at a zero duty for
traditional ACP imports; 4. Elimination
of the previous licensing system, replacing
it with a system distributing licenses to
actual importers on the basis of the volume
of imports handled during the 1994-96 period.(6)
The US objected that the new system continued
to use two separate criteria to allocate
shares of its banana market to Latin American
and ACP nations and as such violated the
WTO. The US argued that in order to be WTO-compatible
the EU must adopt a single tariff-rate quota
covering all suppliers and must base the
allocation of shares of the quota among
supplying countries on the same set of criteria.(7)
Despite US objections the EC Agriculture
Council approved the new regime and the
new system was adopted in October 1998.(8)
In an effort to resolve the disagreement
over the WTO-consistency of the modified
banana regime, the US and Ecuador repeatedly
sought to reconvene the original WTO dispute-settlement
panel that had ruled against the EU in 1994.
The EU refused and instead requested in
mid -December the establishment of a new
panel under Article 21.5 of the Dispute
Settlement Understanding (DSU) to determine
the WTO-consistency of its new regime.
Unable to secure a decision by the original
panel on the new regime, the US announced
in November 1998 a preliminary list of EU
products that would face prohibitive tariff
duties of 100 % ad valorem if the
EU failed to implement a WTO-consistent
banana regime by January 1, 1999. A final
list was published in December.(9)
In mid January, the EU having failed to
implement what the US regarded as a WTO-consistent
banana regime, the US requested authorization
to impose retaliation in the amount of $520
million -- the estimated annual economic
loss of US exports and profits for US suppliers
as a result of the EU failure to comply
with the panel rulings. The US cited Article
22.2 of the WTO's Dispute Settlement Understanding
that allows a complainant to request authorization
to retaliate 20 days after the deadline
for implementation imposed by the panel
- in this case January 1, 1999.
The request was on the Dispute Settlement
Body (DSB)'s agenda for its meeting of January
28, 1999. St. Lucia and Dominica, claiming
that the changes in the EU banana regime
demanded by the US would destroy their economies,
sought to block adoption of that DSB agenda.
This was the first time a DSB agenda had
been blocked in the WTO's four year history;
it was feared it would establish a dangerous
precedent if allowed to stand. At the urging
of the WTO Secretariat the block was removed.
The EU contested the US interpretation
of the WTO dispute settlement rules, arguing
that its modified banana regime should be
presumed WTO-consistent, and that only if
a new Article 21 panel ruled against the
new regime would the US be entitled to invoke
Article 22 to seek authority to retaliate.
This so-called "sequencing question" was
a novel issue for the WTO. Under the GATT,
the WTO's predecessor organization, a formal
grant of authority to retaliate was granted
only once. An important feature of the new
WTO dispute settlement procedures is Article
22.2, which accords winning parties the
right to seek authority to retaliate if
the losing party fails to implement the
panel ruling within a specified time period.
The rules fail, however, to address clearly
the issue of how such "failure to implement"
is to be determined. The question is whether
a country's authorization to retaliate must
await a formal Article 21.5 compliance panel
finding that the targeted country had failed
to comply with a prior panel ruling, or
whether the Article 22 panel could in effect
determine the compliance question when deciding
on the retaliation authority request.
Ultimately the impasse was broken by a
proposal by WTO Director General Ruggiero
that the arbitration process established
under the WTO's Article 22 be used to determine
the amount of appropriate retaliation.
The US agreed to refrain from collecting
retaliatory duties pending a decision by
the arbitrators. Pursuant to the arbitration
procedures, the arbitrators were to determine
by March 2, 1999, the extent of the economic
harm caused to the US under the revised
banana import regime. In contrast, the US
request for authority to retaliate in the
amount of $520 million was based on the
impact of the initial banana regime. Claiming
insufficient information had been received
from the parties, the arbitrators announced
they were unable to issue a determination
within the allotted timeframe.
The very next day, the US announced that
it would impose a contingent liability of
100% duties on imports valued at $520 million
of selected products from the EU.(10) This
action triggered a request by the EU for
consultations under Article 4 of the DSU.
On April 9, 1999, the arbitrators' report
was issued.(11) It effectively ruled that
the US was not required to obtain a new
Article 21 compliance panel decision prior
to seeking retaliation authority. This ruling
was confirmed by a dispute settlement panel
in July 2000, which found that a compliance
assessment can be made by a panel established
under Article 22 to assess the level of
retaliation.(12) The arbitrators further
determined that the EU's revised banana
regime was WTO-inconsistent and that the
damage to the US was $191.4 million -- significantly
less than the initial US calculation of
$520 million. Consequently, both parties
agreed to comply, the EU by amending, once
again, its banana regime and the US by reducing
its retaliation authority request to $191.4
million. The US request was granted on April
19, 1999, and duties were imposed retroactively
to March 3, 1999.(13)
In November 1999, the European Commission
adopted a proposal to modify, once again,
its banana regime so as to bring it into
compliance with the WTO. The proposal called
for a transitional tariff rate quota (TRQ)
system which would be replaced, at the latest,
by January 1, 2006, by a tariff-only regime.
Under both tariff regimes ACP suppliers
would be given a preference.(14) The EU
justified this preference as part of the
Lomé Convention for which the EU
had obtained a WTO waiver.(15)
The US rejected this proposal as equally
WTO-inconsistent as were the two former
banana regimes. Frustrated by what it considered
was the EU's failure to comply with the
series of WTO rulings against its banana
regime, the US, in early 2000, began to
consider a novel and controversial approach
to retaliation. Under the so-called "carousel
approach" the US would periodically alter
the products against which it imposed retaliatory
duties. Rotation of the products on the
retaliation list, it was argued, would increase
the number of EU producers hit by the retaliation
and thereby increase pressure on the EU
to bring its system into compliance. Despite
legislation mandating rotation of the products
on the retaliation list, the Clinton Administration
left office without instituting the carrousel
approach, leaving the decision to the new
Bush Administration.
Most issues involved in the US-EU banana
case remain to be addressed by the new Administration.
The issues range from what constitutes a
WTO-compatible banana regime, to the interpretation
of the Dispute Settlement Understanding.
The US has rejected as WTO-inconsistent
a December 2000 EU proposal regarding the
structure of its banana regime: tariff-rate
quotas allocated on a first-come, first-serve
system. The US further insists that any
new banana regime must include licenses
for 1.066 million tons of Latin American
banana exports to the EU for Chiquita and
Dole. And in mid January 2001 a WTO appellate
body overturned the prior panel ruling that
a compliance assessment could be made by
a panel established under Article 22 to
rule on retaliation. The appellate body
found that that ruling had no legal effect
because the panel had overstepped its own
terms of reference. The effect of this decision
is to leave the important question of sequencing
unresolved.
The latest development brings the case
back to the European Court of Justice. Chiquita
filed a suit in the European Court of First
Instance on January 25, 2001, alleging that
the EU banana import policies have inflicted
$525 million in damages against its operations
and violated a legal mandate from member
state ministers to bring the regime into
compliance with the WTO.
CONCLUSION
In the end, the major impact of the dispute
between the US and the EU over the latter's
banana regime likely will be, not on that
regime, but rather on the rules and laws
for resolving international trade disputes.
The case has raised serious questions about
the process by which the US decides which
trade disputes to pursue in the WTO: specifically,
whether the system provides too much discretion
to the Administration and thereby favors
the politically connected. The effectiveness
of the current procedures for determining
retaliation are also being questioned. Calls
for more effective, that is, more onerous,
measures such as the carrousel approach
are countered by fears of mirror legislation
in other countries. In the WTO, the unresolved
question of sequencing is generally considered
the most important systemic problem of the
Dispute Settlement Understanding and one
which must be addressed without delay. The
Dispute Settlement Understanding is considered
by many to be a cornerstone of the WTO.
The enforceability of WTO obligations is
what distinguishes it from many other international
agreements and what makes it a magnet for
new issues such as those relating to labor
and the environment. Without its acclaimed
"teeth" the framework of rules likely would
fall into disuse. The effectiveness of those
teeth depends heavily on the existence of
procedures that ensure that policies found
to be WTO-inconsistent are brought into
compliance in a timely manner. Until the
sequencing debate is resolved no such assurance
can be given.
Endnotes
Council Regulation (EEC) No.404/93
The Lomé Convention is a trade
and aid pact between the EU and the ACP
countries, one element of which is the
provision of preferential treatment for
certain imports to the EU from ACP countries.
Council Regulation No. 404/93 on the
Common Organization of the Market in Bananas,
Official Journal of the EC No.L47(Feb
25, 1993) pp.1-11
59 FR 53495
WT/DS27/AB/R
The Year in Trade: Operation of The
Trade Agreements Program (OTAP) 50th
report, 1998 p. 53.
US Dep't of State telegram "Bananas:
Status and Summary" message reference
No.105004, June 11, 1998.
EC Commission Regulation NO. 2362/98
of Oct. 28, 1998, Official Journal L Series
293, Oct. 31, 1998
The final list published on December
21, 1998 included pecorino cheese, sweet
biscuits, bath preparations, candles,
plastic plates and sheets, handbags, wallets,
felt paper, folding cartons, greeting
cards, lithographs, cashmere sweaters,
bed linen, batteries, coffee and tea makers,
and chandeliers.
USTR press release 99-17, March 3,
1999
WT/DS27/ARB
WT/DS165/R
64 FR 12092, April 19, 1999
EU Commission, 2250th Council
meeting-Agriculture-Brussels, 20 March
2000
EU Commission, 2218th Council
meeting-Agriculture-Brussels, 15 Nov.
1999
About the Author
Eliza Patterson is a trade lawyer currently
working for the Washington Office of the Port
Authority of New York and New Jersey and can
be reached at ERPatterson@msn.com.
She graduated from Harvard Law School in 1975.
__________________________________________________________________________
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