The Free Trade
Agreement of the Americas
and Legal Harmonization
June 1996
--Craig L. Jackson teaches at the Thurgood
Marshall School of Law at Texas Southern University. He
has served as Attorney-Advisor in the U.S. Department
of Commerce. He specializes in international economic
law.
With the ink barely dry on the signatures
to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), plans
to pursue regional economic integration on an hemispheric-wide
basis were announced, with the formal declaration in Miami
in December 1994 to create a Free Trade Area of the Americans
(FTAA) by the year 2005. Since the Miami declaration,
meetings at various governmental levels have taken place
in Denver and Cartagena, Columbia, to further solidify
plans prior to negotiation. Due to the enormity of the
undertaking and the strict time-line for bringing the
undertaking to fruition, current work has been carried
out by various working groups charged with studying and
gathering data on various areas of economic integration
spelled out in the "Plan of Action" agreed upon at Miami.
The complexity of the work to be undertaken
is apparent when one considers the sheer number of states
that would be affected, the variety of governance models
within the hemisphere, and the proliferation of smaller
regional trading arrangements through North, Central,
and South America.
Though what is envisioned for this hemisphere
has yet to take full shape, the likely outcome of the
preliminary work and negotiations will be a free trade
area as defined under Article XXIV of the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade 1994, the governing document of world
trade. That provision defines a free trade area as "a
group of two or more customs territories in which the
duties and other restrictive regulations of commerce ...
are eliminated on substantially all the trade between
the constituent territories in products originating in
such territories." As such, the FTAA will not be as ambitious
a project as the European Union which is a far more comprehensive
effort at economic regional integration. The European
Union is basically a common market under which members
agree not only to free trade among themselves, but to
a common external tariff. The Union has become over several
decades a semi-federal system where sovereignty in various
areas of economic policy is exchanged for common or harmonized
approaches
The FTAA, on the other hand, is likely
to follow the structure and integration philosophy of
the North American Free Trade Agreement. The NAFTA is
a free trade area whose member states are obligated at
minimum to open trade arrangements among themselves. NAFTA
does, however, expand upon the free trade model somewhat
in that it is an arrangement involving various areas of
economic cooperation in addition to free trade in goods.
If the FTAA follows the NAFTA model,
it will result in a grouping of several Caribbean, Central
and South American states, many of whom are currently
participants in regional trading arrangements. Several
of the arrangements exist in a different form from NAFTA.
Thus the key to a successful completion of the FTAA project
will be integrating the various forms and economic philosophies
of the likely constituent units.
A crucial aspect of planning, adding
to the complexity of the effort, will be the degree and
method of harmonization of laws that will be necessary
to the success of the Free Trade Area of the Americas.
Harmonization has been defined as the process by which
national laws of several states are made similar to accomplish
a specific purpose. In the case of economic integration,
that purpose on the whole is the efficient facilitation
of economic activity between constituent units.
The need for some level of harmonization
is apparent when one considers the purpose behind economic
integration. Countries agreeing to regional economic integration
in fact agree to give up certain economic advantages associated
with protected markets in exchange for access to other
markets. Larger market access increases the general welfare
by opening up economic opportunities, and by placing competitive
pressures on firms to become more efficient in their production,
thus lowering prices to consumers, and, conceivably, improving
quality. Economic integration thus is an attempt to achieve
the economic efficiencies, transparencies and predictability
to produce the economic gains envisioned. Harmonization
is a process by which these gains may be realized.
If an individual entrepreneur desires
to sell a product in another country with which his/her
home state had a free trade agreement, his/her products
in that country will likely be cheaper than comparable
products from a third state that did not have a free trade
agreement with the state of sale, in large part because
the goods from the third state would be charged a tariff
for the privilege of selling in that market, while the
goods of our entrepreneur will be allowed to enter tariff
free. The tariff on the goods from the third state will
be passed along to the consumer in the form of higher
prices, while our entrepreneur will not have to raise
his/her prices at all. Therefore, our entrepreneur's goods
should enjoy an advantage over the goods from the third
state.
However, there are other considerations
important for exporting merchandise. The importing state
may have regulations on quality, or technical standards
that might restrict the trade in the tariff-free imported
goods, or make them less attractive to local consumers
than had been anticipated to be a result of the free trade
regime between the two countries. As a result, whatever
advantage gained by our entrepreneur because of the tariff-free
entry of his/her products is lost because of the standards
that might be peculiar to the importing state. Laws regulating
securities and capital flows in some countries might be
incompatible with similar laws in other states, dampening
the flow of financial resources between parties to an
economic integration. The idea behind harmonization is
for the states to develop common rules and laws in these
and other areas so that economic activity can flourish
without artificial strictures.
Another major problem involves manufacturing
operations and the cost of labor. Goods produced in a
territory of a free trade partner with lower labor costs
may benefit from an additional advantage because the labor
savings will be passed on to consumers in the free trade
partner-state in addition to the savings passed on as
a result of duty-free entry. Furthermore, entrepreneurs
from one party may set up manufacturing within the party
with the lower labor costs in an effort to sell their
products in both markets while benefiting from the advantage
caused by the labor savings. The result of both phenomena
could be the dislocation of labor in the party with the
higher labor costs. Where the fact of low-cost labor is
the result of lower labor standards (as opposed to labor
supply), many regard harmonization of laws in this area
as an appropriate fair trade measure.
Hence the idea of harmonization is
to remove the extra, or unanticipated, inefficiencies
from the smooth functioning of a regime designed to spread
economic advantages through the vehicle of free trade.
However, harmonization may take a variety of forms, reflecting
different levels of intrusion into state governance and
policy-making, not to mention different philosophies of
the propriety of supranational governance. How the various
subjects of harmonization are handled will be a major
part of the negotiations of the Free Trade Agreement of
the Americas in the next few years.
The preliminary plans for the FTAA reflect
a studied caution in the area of harmonization policy.
This is understandable because the concept does require
states to take certain action with regard to national
policies and laws for the general good of the economic
integration plan. This kind of obligation is often associated
with loss of sovereignty and can become a source of controversy
within states, as developments during the NAFTA debate
in the U.S. indicated. The language that refers to integration
policies in the Miami plan of action, and in the various
declarations from the Denver and Cartagena ministerial
summits, suggests the intention to study issues that might
require harmonization, but no firm commitment to harmonization
at this pre-negotiation stage. Many areas of economic
activity will require some sort of harmonization, and
non-committal language no doubt reflects the early stage
of the negotiations. However, the cautious approach in
the area of worker rights reflects a more difficult hurdle
to free trade in this hemisphere.
The Plan of Action is divided into
four sections: I. Preserving and Strengthening the Community
of Democracies of the Americas; II. Promoting Prosperity
Through Economic Integration and Free Trade; III. Eradicating
Poverty and Discrimination in Our Hemisphere; and IV.
Guaranteeing Sustainable Development and Conserving our
Natural Environment for Future Generations.
Within these broad titles, various areas
of cooperation and study were outlined in the Plan of
Action agreed upon at the Miami Summit. Several of these
areas will involve to some degree legal harmonization
to achieve the efficiencies envisioned by free trade.
As a general rule, the Plan of Action avoids direct reference
to harmonization as a concept, and it deals with labor
issues only in passing. However, it is apparent in many
of the areas being examined that some degree of common
approach will be required to accomplish the specified
ends.
Under Section II on free trade, the
plan of action calls upon governments to seek common guidelines
on capital movements, if appropriate to accomplish the
ends of liberalization of capital movements and capital
market integration. Hemispheric infrastructure is also
considered within the free trade context as governments
are requested to develop mechanisms in the form of multilateral
and bilateral commitments on regulatory and legal rules
to encourage investment in domestic and foreign infrastructure
projects. The reason for this focus is to ensure that
each party is reasonably attractive, from an infrastructure
standpoint, to foreign investment, and so that the benefits
of free trade will be accessible to producers and manufacturers
in each of the parties to the agreement.
Regarding telecommunications and information
technology, the governments pledged to explore ways to
promote common standards and consistent certification
process for telecommunications equipment and to develop
regional guidelines for the provision of international
value-added network services.
Under the general heading dealing with environmental
matters, the Plan calls for the strengthening of technical
and institutional capacity to address environmental priorities
such as pollution prevention, waste and sanitation issues,
risk reduction, lead contamination, pesticides, urban
environmental problems and access to safe drinking water
at the governmental level. In addition, parties are expected
to strengthen and/or develop enforcement and implementation
of environmental protection laws with the goal of ensuring
that economic integration occurs in an environmentally
sustainable manner.
Other areas of pre-negotiation study
noted at the subsequent ministerial meetings in Denver
(June 1995) and Cartagena (March 1996) which are likely
to require some harmonization effort include government
procurement, intellectual property rights, trade in services,
competition policy, and standards. Working groups have
been charged with identifying areas of legal commonality
and divergence in the national laws of the likely FTAA
partners.
The issue of worker rights and labor
standards is rather conspicuous in the way it has been
treated thus far. Worker rights were mentioned as part
of the preamble to the section of the Plan of Action dealing
with free trade. The provision states: "[a]s economic
integration in the Hemisphere proceeds, we will further
secure the observance and promotion of worker rights,
as defined by appropriate international conventions."
At the Denver ministerial meeting, the trade ministers
did not assign a working group to study worker rights.
Nevertheless, under the heading of "Other Matters" the
ministers "welcomed the contribution of the private sector
and appropriate processes to address ... the further promotion
of worker rights through our respective governments."
At the recently concluded Cartagena meeting, the ministers
recognized "the importance of further observance and promotion
of worker rights and the need to consider appropriate
processes in this area, through our respective governments."
The apparent subordination of worker
rights as an area for harmonization is not surprising.
Efforts at harmonization in the labor area within the
context of other regional arrangements have been controversial
in the past. The European Union Social Charter is regarded
as one of the most, if not the most, comprehensive
set of harmonized standards in the labor area. However,
passage of those standards was fraught with controversy,
with Great Britain opting out of the process. Worker rights
harmonization in the context of free trade in North America
was controversial when the labor side agreement was negotiated
to address the need for some degree of harmonization of
labor standards as a companion to the North American Free
Trade Agreement. Indeed, the North American Agreement
on Labor Cooperation (NAALC) was considered to be a necessity
to passage of the NAFTA in the United States Congress
in 1993.
It appears likely that a similar effort
will be controversial within the context of the FTAA.
Some members of Congress have made clear their opposition
to an effort similar to the NAALC, while the Clinton Administration
has indicated its desire to link free trade with progress
in protecting worker rights. The impasse has lead many
observers to claim that the FTAA may be stalled indefinitely
while the United States works out its internal political
problems. However, the preliminary work on the FTAA appears
to be proceeding, though no date for the beginning of
negotiations has been set as this article went to press.
Further Reading
International Trade Reporter, Bureau
of National Affairs, America's Summit Leaders Back
Historic Trade Declarations, Dec. 14, 1994.
International Trade Reporter, Bureau
of National Affairs, Joint Declaration of Western Hemisphere
Trade Ministers, July 5, 1995.
International Trade Reporter, Bureau
of National Affairs, The Summit of the Americas Second
Ministerial Trade meeting Joint Declaration Adopted March
21, 1996 in Cartagena, Columbia, March 27, 1996.
International Trade Reporter, Bureau
of National Affairs, Ministers Endorse FTAA Declaration
But Postpone Action on Key Issues, March 27, 1996.
San Diego Union-Tribune, Latin
Nations Trade Hopes Have Failed, Dec. 24, 1995.
Summit of the Americas: Declaration
of Principles and Plan of Action, Dec. 11, 1994, reprinted
in 34 ILM 808 (1995).
Frank J. Garcia, NAFTAand
the Creation of the FTAA: A Critique of Piecemeal Accession,
35 Va. J. Int'l. L. 539 (1995).
Paul A. O'Hop, Hemispheric Integration
and the Elimination of Legal Obstacles Under a NAFTA-Based
System, 36 Harv. Int'l L. J. 127 (1995).
Kenneth Abbott and Gregory Bowman,
Economic Integration in the Americas: "A Work in Progress,"
14 J. Intl. L. Bus. 493 (1994).
Craig L. Jackson, Social Policy
Harmonization and Worker Rights in the European Union:
A Model for North America?, 21 N.C.J. Int'l l. &
Com. Reg. 1 (1995).
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT) 1947, 24 U.S.T. 146.
North American Free Trade Agreement,
Dec. 17, 1992, 32 ILM 289, 309 (1993).
Charles P. Kindleberger, International
Economics 17-21, 27, 33 (5th Ed. 1973).
Jacob Viner, The Customs Union Issue
44 (1950).
C.A. Taylor, Fast Track, Trade
Policy, and Free Trade Agreements: Why NAFTA Turned into
a Battle, 28 Geo. Wash. J. Int'l and Econ. 56 (1994).
George Berman et al., Cases and Material
on European Community Law (1993).
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